Published:
Monday, 12 May, 2008 @ 8:02 PM in Beirut (GMT+2)
By Walid
Phares
Beirut -
While the West is busy living its daily life,
a beast is busy killing the freedom of a small community on the East
Mediterranean: Lebanon.
Indeed, as
of last week, the mighty Hezbollah, armed to the teeth with 30,000 rockets
and missiles and aligning thousands of self described "Divine soldiers" has
been marching across the capital, terrorizing its population, shutting down
media, taking its politicians and the Prime Minister as hostages, and
looting at will. The hordes of Lebanon's "Khomeinist Janjaweeds" have
conquered already half of the Middle East's cultural capital, Beirut. As I
have reported before, Hezbollah has occupied West Beirut and has since sent
its storm troops in multiple directions to resume the blitz.
The
burning of TV stations in Beirut
Unstoppable, including by the Lebanese Army which Commander Michel Suleiman
has allowed the slaughter to occur the Pasdaran-founded militia is now
hurdling towards the Druze Mountain and positioning its forces against the
Sunni North and the Christian Mount Lebanon. Ironically, the geographical
bases of Hezbollah, in southern Lebanon, are well guarded by the United
Nations Interim Forces (UNIFIL). Per a UNSCR 1701 in 2006, more than 10,000
international troops are stationed across the southern parts of Lebanon,
technically protecting the 200 Shia towns and villages from where the bulk
of Hezbollah fighters came from. Hence, free from guarding their own areas,
a dozen thousands well trained "Hezbollahis" have marched north to join
another 5,000 already based in the southern suburbs of Beirut.
This huge
force, by Lebanon's standards, was joined by an undetermined number of real
Iranian Guards, shipped from Tehran to man sophisticated weapons offered by
the Khamanei regime as a gift to topple the democratically elected
Government of Fuad Seniora. In addition, from the four corners of the
country, Jihadist and ultra radical organizations have joined the fray
including: The Nazi-like SSNP, the Amal Movement, the Wi'amWahhab pro-Syrian
militia, and many others. And to top it, Damascus was able to neutralize the
Lebanese Army which has been equipped recently by the United States. Its
Commander, a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic was "convinced" by
the Assad regime to open the passages to Beirut and all other regions for
the hordes to thrust into their enemies' backyards. Reminding us of the
tales of Greek Antiquity, this Xerxes -Khomeinist- Army burst into the
capital, whipping out the thin internal security forces and reigning with
brutality.
Hezbollah's "Immortal Guards" against the "300"?
After
securing the Muslim side of the city, the "Immortal Guards" -since most of
the Hezbollahis believe in martyrdom as a path to eternal after-life,
encircled the mostly Druze Mountain from all directions. Closing in from the
coast, the south and the Bekaa, thousands of fighters and their heavy
artillery were ordered into battle this week end. The massive "Persian" Army
is now attempting to take these passes into the Bekaa and from there into
the North and the Christian Mountain. In a sense these may become Lebanon's
Thermopylae: A vast Hezbollah Iranian-backed Army unleashing its power
against few Lebanese Spartans, to dislodge them and open the paths for the
rest of the country. Indeed, it looks like the few hundred Druze fighters in
Aley and the Shuf -who have decided to fight on their own, may become
Lebanon's "300". The vision is chilling. Despite the calls by their leader
Walid Jumblatt, now hostage to the Pasdaran in Beirut, to desist from
resisting, the mountainous peasants decided to fight and resist the
onslaught. The balance of power is terribly uneven. The forces of Hassan
Nasrallah, hyper armed by "Xerxes" Ahmedinijad, line up thousands of
soldiers, Special Forces, missiles and endless containers of ammunition.
They have hardened their battle experience through years of fighting against
a powerful Israeli Army, Air Force and Navy. Nasrallah is convinced that his
Army of Suicide-bombers has defeated the region's nuclear super power in
2006. Hence, a few "hundreds" of Druses won't even stand for a day.
Logically, he is correct. The Lebanese Army was tamed by Hezbollah, the
Sunnis of Beirut collapsed in few hours, the Christians are intimidated, the
U.S and Europe fears Hezbollah's Terror and the Arab regimes are terrified
by his myth. Who on Earth will resist the Khomeinist Xerxes? Well so far,
Lebanon's 300 have.
The Grand
Hezbollah Plan
The first
waves of attacks launched by the Iranian backed forces aimed at seizing the
first portion of the strategic Damascus Highway (the I-70 of Lebanon)
linking Beirut to the Syrian border via the Mountain. The offensive began
from Kayfoun towards Baysur. Instead of seizing terrain, Hezbollah lost
Kayfoun with heavy casualties (about 23 killed) and the Druze fighters of
the Socialist Party planted their flag on the enemy bunker before they
pulled back to their positions. The Iranian commanders were stunned by these
mountain "Rangers." But the Druze had only AK 47 with one or two clips of
ammunitions; rarely an RPG. While the whole of Lebanon was watching with
fear, awaiting their turn, the "300" were repelling the waves of "Immortal
Hezbollah" who in fact got very mortal in 24 hours. Another battle raged in
Aley and the "Persians" lost again: 9 casualties or so: Among the bodies,
three Iranians. Near Aley the strategic hill 888 was assaulted repetitively
but the defenders repelled the "Guards." Later on, the Druze transferred the
hill to the Lebanese Army. Nasrallah's troops then stormed Deir Qubal but
were pushed back towards the surrounding hills. Hezbollah tried to seize Ein
Unub but again the attack failed.
Druze
clerics Hezbollah Guard
Then
Hezbollah ordered its forces to advance on the coastal axis towards Shouifat.
There, the Druze pulled back inside the town allowing the "Hezbos" to take
the control of the beaches and the adjacent roads. But when the Iranian
backed militias moved toward the neighborhoods, their advance was stopped.
Frustrated the "Xerxes" War Room decided the grand assault by early Monday:
More than 2,000 Khomeinist-trained commandos took the back roads to the
Barouk Mountain coming from the southern Bekaa. Their target are the Ma'aser
heights and from there to the district capital of the Shouf, Mukhtara. From
south Lebanon, the hordes of Hezbollah are marching across Jezzine, Toumate
heights in Niha el Shouf into the southern frontiers of the Druze lands.
According to reports, 5000 Hezbollah/Iranian/Syrian infantry, backed by
rockets and artillery are to close in from the south. The Druze, youth and
elderly, have mobilized all they could, but are isolated with little
ammunition. Their adversaries are numerous, well equipped, fanaticized and
have their supply lines opened to Syria and via Damascus, to Iran. The
tableau looks like a real collection of small Thermopylae where the "300" of
Lebanon will be fighting a Goliath.
Pasdaran
and Hezbollah's forces
But irony
is that the United States and other Democracies, whose forces are present in
the area and ships cruising the waters along the Eastern Mediterranean, and
who have committed to fight terror around the globe may be watching these
"300" falling in this epic fight. The greater irony is that these peasants
of Mount Lebanon have withstood the mighty machine of Hezbollah for three
days and maybe for a few more, while the standing myth internationally was
that no one on Earth can defeat this Terror force. Well, for few days the
myth of invincibility of Hezbollah was shattered. Eventually if the powers
-who have already spent 500 billion dollars on the War on terror- would fail
the Lebanese "300" in their mountains, the legend will be owned by the those
little intrepid and courageous peasants. But if Washington and Paris would
quickly assume their strategic responsibilities -which they initiated by
voting UNSCR 1559 to liberate Lebanon- then perhaps Khomeinist-Terror won't
plant its banners on the Eastern Mediterranean.
Dr Walid
Phares is the Director of the Future Terrorism Project at the Foundation for
the Defense of Democracies and the author of The Confrontation: Winning the
War against Future Jihad.
So now what happens? The Arab League summit is over, the participants
followed a time-honored tradition by failing to agree on very much of
significance, and the uncomfortable stalemate in Lebanon is unchanged.
Political junkies are already putting their respective spins on the event,
but their desperation to say something of relevance is hamstrung by the
inherent fraud of the subject at hand. Did the summit “fail?” Of course it
did – they all do. Who is responsible for the “failure?” Take your pick, but
it would be really unfair to blame Djibouti. Did anyone honestly expect a
proverbial “breakthrough” on the Lebanese logjam or any of the other crises
facing the Middle East? No one who a) can read; and b) has applied this
skill to the history of past Arab League summits.
And so the Lebanese wait for something to happen. Some wish parliamentarians
from the ruling March 14 Forces would squirrel themselves away somewhere and
elect a president by simple majority. Luckily, the hotheads who advocate
such a move are still outnumbered by those who understand that it would only
compound the problem. Others wish that Hizbullah, the opposition March 8
Forces’ resident heavyweight, would renege on its pledges not to use force
and simply take over the buildings from where political power is supposed to
be exercised. But these too are in the minority, their wiser allies
comprehending just how nutty it would be to invite yet another foreign
“intervention” in Lebanon’s internal affairs.
The fondest wish of many Lebanese, though, is that all of their politicians
would retire. Far too many of them are not just long in the tooth – they are
also the very same people who bumbled their way into a Civil War in 1975 and
kept it going until 1990. Now many of the same characters remain at odds,
and while most mainstream leaders on both sides insist that they want a
political solution, they have also made it impossible, thus far, to achieve
one. Prominent figures from both March 8 and March 14 regularly make the
case that unless the other side agrees to their terms in advance, there is
no need to have a dialogue. The fallacy of such unrealistic positions is so
obvious a child can see it, and yet this is what passes for political
discourse in this country.
One of the issues that divides the opposition and the government is the
United Nations’ Special Tribunal for Lebanon, which was created to try
suspects in the February 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik
Hariri and assorted other political killings and attacks. There is little
point in hashing out their respective positions on the court, except to note
the vagueness and inconsistency of both.
What is most befuddling is that anyone suggested the court when they did.
After all, the crimes in question are nothing like those that prompted the
establishment of the other special tribunals supported by the UN. Cambodia,
Rwanda, Sierra Leone and the former Yugoslavia had witnessed massive loss of
life, and such was the scale that the charges have included genocide and
crimes against humanity.
There was a time when Lebanon needed such a court for such a purpose: in the
aftermath of the Civil War that killed as many as 250,000 people. It might
also have benefited mightily from the formation of a body like South
Africa’s truth and Reconciliation Commission, which helped that country deal
with all the evils that took place during the Apartheid era. Instead, those
responsible for the 1975-1990 slaughter in Lebanon gave themselves a free
pass: an amnesty which protected almost all of them from punishment. And far
from encouraging public hearings aimed at clearing the air, they have been
among those who have most enthusiastically prevented open and honest
discussion of the horrors they inflicted, even going so far as to bar the
adoption of textbooks that might help Lebanese children understand what
their parents and grandparents went through – or why they don’t have parents
or grandparents.
Even this cop-out school of statesmanship might have succeeded if only the
belligerents had resolved to move on once and for all and then honored their
promises. They have not. Nor have they even attempted to implement other
elements of the document that ended the conflict, the Taif Accord. Many of
the issues at stake in the Civil War are debated just as fervently today,
often by the same people, and usually from the same perspectives of
ignorance and intolerance fueled by personal rivalries.
None of this is to say that the Hariri court should not have been
established. The case may not be one of genocide, but it does have something
else in common with those in Rwanda and the others: This country’s justice
system lacks anything like the resources and public respect required to hand
down verdicts that will enjoy general acceptance. The politicians have seen
to that by preventing (among other things) the judicial reforms mandated by
Taif.
The judiciary was just one of the casualties of the war they continued by
other means, each side blocking the implementation of desperately needed
changes because it refused to trust the other, each refusing to let their
reins be taken over by a new generation of less embittered figures who might
just have put country over clan. Whoever murdered Hariri and whatever the
particular reason, the crime both continued the pattern of behavior that
caused and prolonged the Civil War, and empowered those responsible all over
again. Perhaps if the United Nations had imposed a court on Lebanon in 1990,
it would not have needed one now.
